(legendary, lived 500 B.C.E.)
By
Plutarch
Translated by John Dryden
Such was Solon. To him we
compare Poplicola, who received this later title from the Roman
people for his merit, as a noble accession to his former name,
Publius Valerius. He descended from Valerius, a man amongst the early citizens, reputed the principal reconciler of the differences
betwixt the Romans and Sabines, and one that was most
instrumental in persuading their kings to assent to peace and
union. Thus descended, Publius Valerius, as it is said, whilst
Rome remained under its kingly government, obtained as great a
name from his eloquence as from his riches, charitably employing the
one in liberal aid to the poor, the other with integrity and freedom in the service of justice thereby giving assurance, that, should
the government fall into a republic, he would become a chief man
in the community. The illegal and wicked accession of Tarquinius
Superbus to the crown, with his making it, instead of kingly
rule, the instrument of insolence and tyranny, having inspired
the people with a hatred to his reign, upon the death of
Lucretia (she killing herself after violence had been done to her),
they took an occasion of revolt; and Lucius Brutus, engaging in the change,
came to Valerius before all others, and, with his zealous assistance, deposed the kings. And whilst the people inclined towards the
electing one leader instead of their king, Valerius acquiesced,
that to rule was rather Brutus's due, as the author of the
democracy. But when the name of monarchy was odious to the
people, and a divided power appeared more grateful in the
prospect, and two were chosen to hold it, Valerius, entertaining hopes
that he might be elected consul with Brutus, was disappointed; for, instead
of Valerius, notwithstanding the endeavours of Brutus, Tarquinius Collatinus
was chosen, the husband of Lucretia, a man noways his superior in
merit. But the nobles dreading the return of their kings, who
still used all endeavours abroad and solicitations at home, were
resolved upon a chieftain of an intense hatred to them, and
noways likely to yield.
Now Valerius was troubled that his desire to serve his country should
be doubted, because he had sustained no private injury from the insolence
of the tyrants. He withdrew from the senate and practice of the bar,
quitting all public concerns; which gave an occasion of discourse, and
fear, too, lest his anger should reconcile him to the king's side, and
he should prove the ruin of the state, tottering as yet under the uncertainties
of a change. But Brutus being doubtful of some others, and
determined to give the test to the senate upon the altars, upon
the day appointed Valerius came with cheerfulness into the
forum, and was the first man that took the oath, in no way to
submit or yield to Tarquin's propositions, but rigorously to
maintain liberty; which gave great satisfaction to the senate and assurance to the consuls, his action soon after showing the sincerity of his
oath. For ambassadors came from Tarquin, with popular and
specious proposals, whereby they thought to seduce the people,
as though the king had cast off all insolence, and made
moderation the only measure of his desires. To this embassy the
consuls thought fit to give public audience, but Valerius opposed
it, and would not permit that the poorer people, who entertained more
fear of war than of tyranny, should have any occasion offered them, or
any temptations to new designs. Afterwards other ambassadors arrived,
who declared their king would recede from his crown, and lay
down his arms, only capitulating for a restitution to himself,
his friends, and allies, of their moneys and estates to support
them in their banishment. Now, several inclining to the request,
and Collatinus in particular favouring it, Brutus, a man of
vehement and unbending nature, rushed into the forum, there proclaiming his fellow-consul to be a traitor, in granting subsidies to
tyranny, and supplies for a war to those to whom it was
monstrous to allow so much as subsistence in exile. This caused
an assembly of the citizens, amongst whom the first that spake
was Caius Minucius, a private man, who advised Brutus, and urged
the Romans to keep the property, and employ it against the
tyrants, rather than to remit it to the tyrants, to be used against themselves.
The Romans, however, decided that whilst they had enjoyed the liberty
they had fought for, they should not sacrifice peace for the sake of
money, but send out the tyrants' property after them. This question, however, of his property was the least part of Tarquin's design;
the demand sounded the feelings of the people, and was
preparatory to a conspiracy which the ambassadors endeavoured to
excite, delaying their return, under pretence of selling some of
the goods and reserving others to be sent away, till, in fine,
they corrupted two of the most eminent families in Rome, the
Aquillian, which had three, and the Vitellian, which had two senators. These all were, by the mother's side, nephews to Collatinus;
besides which Brutus had a special alliance to the Vitellii from
his marriage with their sister, by whom he had several children;
two of whom, of their own age, their near relations and daily
companions, the Vitellii seduced to join in the plot, to ally
themselves to the great house and royal hopes of the Tarquins,
and gain emancipation from the violence and imbecility united of
their father, whose austerity to offenders they termed violence, while the imbecility which he had long feigned, to protect himself from
the tyrants, still, it appears, was, in name at least, ascribed
to him. When upon these inducements the youths came to confer
with the Aquillii, and thought it convenient to bind themselves
in a solemn and dreadful oath, by tasting the blood of a
murdered man, and touching his entrails. For which design they
met at the house of the Aquillii. The building chosen for the transaction was, as was natural, dark and unfrequented, and a slave named
Vindicius had, as it chanced, concealed himself there, not out
of design or any intelligence of the affair, but, accidentally
being within, seeing with how much haste and concern they came
in, he was afraid to be discovered, and placed himself behind a
chest, where he was able to observe their actions and overhear their
debates. Their resolutions were to kill the consuls, and they wrote letters
to Tarquin to this effect, and gave them to the ambassadors, who were
lodging upon the spot with the Aquillii, and were present at the consultation.
Upon their departure, Vindicius secretly quitted the house, but was
at a loss what to do in the matter, for to arraign the sons before the
father Brutus, or the nephews before the uncle Collatinus, seemed equally (as indeed it was) shocking; yet he knew no private Roman to whom
he could intrust secrets of such importance. Unable, however,
to keep silence, and burdened with his knowledge, he went and
addressed himself to Valerius, whose known freedom and kindness
of temper were an inducement; as he was a person to whom the
needy had easy access, and who never shut his gates against the
petitions or indigences of humble people. But when Vindicius came
and made a complete discovery to him, his brother Marcus and his own wife being present, Valerius was struck with amazement, and by no
means would dismiss the discoverer, but confined him to the
room, and placed his wife as a guard to the door, sending his
brother in the interim to beset the king's palace, and seize,
if possible, the writings there, and secure the domestics,
whilst he, with his constant attendance of clients and friends,
and a great retinue of attendants, repaired to the house of the
Aquillii, who were, as it chanced, absent from home; and so, forcing an entrance through the gates, they lit upon the letters then
lying in the lodgings of the ambassadors. Meantime the Aquillii
returned in all haste, and, coming to blows about the gate,
endeavoured a recovery of the letters. The
other party made a resistance, and throwing their gowns around their
opponents' necks, at last, after much struggling on both sides, made their way with them their prisoners through the streets into the
forum. The like engagement happened about the king's
palace, where Marcus seized some other letters which it was
designed should be conveyed away in the goods, and, laying hands
on such of the king's people as he could find, dragged them
also into the forum. When the consuls had quieted the tumult, Vindicius
was brought out by the orders of Valerius, and the accusation stated,
and the letters were opened, to which the traitors could make no plea.
Most of the people standing mute and sorrowful, some only, out of kindness
to Brutus, mentioning banishment, the tears of Collatinus, attended with Valerius's silence, gave some hopes of mercy. But Brutus,
calling his two sons by their names, "Canst not
thou," said he, "O Titus, or thou, Tiberius, make any
defence against the indictment?" The question being thrice
proposed, and no reply made, he turned himself to the lictors and cried,
"What remains is your duty." They immediately seized the youths, and, stripping them of their clothes, bound their hands behind
them and scourged their bodies with their rods; too tragical a
scene for others to look at; Brutus, however, is said not to
have turned aside his face, nor allowed the least glance of
pity to soften and smooth his aspect of rigour and austerity,
but sternly watched his children suffer, even till the lictors,
extending them on the ground, cut off their heads with an axe;
then departed, committing the rest to the judgment of his colleague. An action truly open alike to the highest commendation and the
strongest censure; for either the greatness of his virtue
raised him above the impressions of sorrow, or the extravagance
of his misery took away all sense of it; but neither seemed common,
or the result of humanity, but either divine or brutish. Yet it
is more reasonable that our judgment should yield to his
reputation, than that his merit should suffer detraction by the weakness of our judgment; in the Roman's opinion, Brutus did a greater work
in the establishment of the government than
Upon Brutus's departure out of the forum, consternation, horror, and
silence for some time possessed all that reflected on what was done; the easiness and tardiness, however, of Collatinus gave confidence
to the Aquillii to request some time to answer their charge,
and that Vindicius, their servant, should be remitted into
their hands, and no longer harboured amongst their accusers.
The consul seemed inclined to their proposal, and was
proceeding to dissolve the assembly; but Valerius would not suffer Vindicius,
who was surrounded by his people, to be surrendered, nor the meeting
to withdraw without punishing the traitors; and at length laid violent
hands upon the Aquillii, and, calling Brutus to his assistance, exclaimed
against the unreasonable course of Collatinus, to impose upon his
colleague the necessity of taking away the lives of his own sons, and yet have thoughts of gratifying some women with the lives of traitors
and public enemies. Collatinus, displeased at this, and
commanding Vindicius to be taken away, the lictors made their
way through the crowd and seized their man, and struck all who
endeavoured a rescue. Valerius's friends headed the resistance,
and the people cried out for Brutus, who, returning, on silence
being made, told them he had been competent to pass sentence by
himself upon his own sons, but left the rest to the suffrages of the free citizens: "Let every man speak that wishes, and persuade
whom he can." But there was no need of oratory, for, it
being referred to the vote, they were returned condemned by all
the suffrages, and were accordingly beheaded.
Collatinus's relationship to the kings had, indeed, already rendered him suspicious, and his second name, too, had made him obnoxious
to the people, who were loth to hear the very sound of Tarquin;
but after this had happened, perceiving himself
an offence to every one, he relinquished his charge and
departed from the city. At the new elections in his room, Valerius
obtained, with high honour, the consulship, as a just reward of his
zeal; of which he thought Vindicius deserved a share, whom he made, first of all freedmen, a citizen of Rome, and gave him the
privilege of voting in what tribe soever he was pleased to be
enrolled; other freedmen received the right of suffrage a long
time after from Appius, who thus courted popularity; and from
this Vindicius, a perfect manumission is called to this day
vindicta. This done, the goods of the kings were exposed to plunder,
and the palace to ruin.
The pleasantest part of the field of Mars, which Tarquin had owned, was devoted to the service of that god; but, it happening to be
harvest season, and the sheaves yet being on the ground, they
thought it not proper to commit them to the flail, or
unsanctify them with any use; and, therefore, carrying them to
the river-side, and trees withal that were cut down, they cast
all into the water, dedicating the soil, free from all occupation, to
the deity. Now, these thrown in, one upon another, and closing together, the stream did not bear them far, but where the first were carried
down and came to a bottom, the remainder, finding no farther
conveyance, were stopped and interwoven one with another; the
stream working the mass into a firmness, and washing down fresh
mud. This, settling there, became an accession of matter, as
well as cement, to the rubbish, insomuch that the violence of
the waters could not remove it, but forced and compressed it all
together. Thus its bulk and solidity gained it new subsidies, which gave it extension enough to stop on its way most of what the
stream brought down. This is now a sacred island, lying by the
city, adorned with the temples of the gods, and walks, and is
called in the Latin tongue inter duos
pontes. Though some say this did not happen at the dedication of Tarquin's field, but in aftertimes, when Tarquinia, a vestal priestess, gave
an adjacent field to the public, and obtained great honours in
consequence, as, amongst the rest, that of all women her
testimony alone should be received; she had also the liberty to
marry, but refused it; thus some tell the story.
Tarquin, despairing of a return to his kingdom by the conspiracy, found
a kind reception amongst the Tuscans, who, with a great army, proceeded to restore him. The consuls headed the Romans against them, and
made their rendezvous in certain holy places, the one called
the Arsian grove, the other the Aesuvian meadow. When they came
into action, Aruns, the son of Tarquin, and Brutus, the Roman
consul, not accidentally encountering each other, but out of
hatred and rage, the one to avenge tyranny and enmity to his
country, the other his banishment, set spurs to their horses, and, engaging
with more fury than forethought, disregarding their own security, fell
together in the combat. This dreadful onset hardly was followed by a
more favourable end; both armies, doing and receiving equal damage, were separated by a storm. Valerius was much concerned, not knowing
what the result of the day was, and seeing his men as well
dismayed at the sight of their own dead, as rejoiced at the
loss of the enemy; so apparently equal in the number was the
slaughter on either side. Each party, however, felt surer of
defeat from the actual sight of their own dead, than they could
feel of victory from conjecture about those of their adversaries. The
night being come (and such as one may presume must follow such a battle), and the armies laid to rest, they say that the grove shook, and
uttered a voice, saying that the Tuscans had lost one man more
than the Romans; clearly a divine announcement; and the Romans
at once received it with shouts and expressions of joy; whilst
the Tuscans, through fear and amazement, deserted their tents,
and were for the most part dispersed. The Romans, falling upon
the remainder, amounting to nearly five thousand, took them prisoners,
and plundered the camp; when they numbered the dead, they found on
the Tuscans' side eleven thousand and three hundred, exceeding their own loss but by one man. This fight happened upon the last of
February, and Valerius triumphed in honour of it, being the
first consul that drove in with a four-horse chariot; which
sight both appeared magnificent, and was received with an
admiration free from envy or offence (as some suggest) on the
part of the spectators; it would not otherwise have been continued with
so much eagerness and emulation through all the after ages. The people applauded likewise the honours he did to his colleague, in adding
to his obsequies a funeral oration: which was so much liked by
the Romans, and found so good a reception, that it became
customary for the best men to celebrate the funerals of great
citizens with speeches in their commendation; and their
antiquity in Rome is affirmed to be greater than in Greece, unless, with the orator Anaximenes, we make Solon the first author.
Yet some part of Valerius's behaviour did give offence and disgust to
the people, because Brutus, whom they esteemed the father of their liberty, had not presumed to rule without a colleague, but united one and
then another to him in his commission; while Valerius, they
said, centering all authority in himself, seemed not in any
sense a successor to Brutus in the consulship, but to Tarquin
in the tyranny; he might make verbal harangues to Brutus's memory,
yet when he was attended with all the rods and axes, proceeding down
from a house than which the king's house that he had demolished had not been statelier, those actions showed him an imitator of Tarquin.
For, indeed, his dwelling-house on the
He resolved to render the government, as well as himself, instead of
terrible, familiar and pleasant to the people, and parted the axes from the rods, and always, upon his entrance into the assembly, lowered
these also to the people, to show, in the strongest way, the
republican foundation of the government; and this the consuls
observe to this day. But the humility of the man was but a
means, not, as they thought, of lessening himself, but merely
to abate their envy by this moderation; for whatever he detracted from
his authority he added to his real power, the people still submitting with satisfaction, which they expressed by calling him Poplicola,
or people-lover, which name had the pre-eminence of the rest,
and, therefore, in the sequel of his narrative we shall use no
other.
He gave free leave to any to sue for the consulship; but before the
admittance of a colleague, mistrusting the chances, lest emulation or
ignorance should cross his designs, by his sole authority enacted his best and most important measures. First, he supplied the vacancies
of the senators, whom either Tarquin long before had put to
death, or the war lately cut off; those that he enrolled, they
write, amounted to a hundred and sixty-four; afterwards he made
several laws which added much to the people's liberty, in
particular one granting offenders the liberty of appealing to
the people from the judgment of the consuls; a second, that made it death to usurp any magistracy without the people's consent; a
third, for the relief of poor citizens, which, taking off their
taxes, encouraged their labours; another, against disobedience
to the consuls, which was no less popular than the rest, and
rather to the benefit of the commonalty than to the advantage
of the nobles, for it imposed upon disobedience the penalty of
ten oxen and two sheep; the price of a sheep being ten obols, of
an ox, an hundred. For the use of money was then infrequent amongst the Romans, but their wealth in cattle great; even now pieces of
property are called peculia from pecus, cattle; and they had
stamped upon their most ancient money an ox, a sheep, or a hog;
and surnamed their sons Suillii, Bubulci, Caprarii, and Porcii,
from caproe, goats, and porci, hogs.
Amidst this mildness and moderation, for one excessive fault he instituted
one excessive punishment; for he made it lawful without trial to
take away any man's life that aspired to a tyranny, and acquitted the slayer, if he produced evidence of the crime; for though it was
not probable for a man, whose designs were so great, to escape
all notice; yet because it was possible he might, although
observed, by force anticipate judgment, which the usurpation
itself would then preclue, he gave a licence to any to
anticipate the usurper. He was honoured likewise for the law touching the treasury; for because it was necessary for the citizens to
contribute out of their estates to the maintenance of wars, and
he was unwilling himself to be concerned in the care of it, or
to permit his friends or indeed to let the public money pass
into any private house, he allotted the temple of Saturn for
the treasury, in which to this day they deposit the tribute-money, and
granted the people the liberty of choosing two young men as quaestors, or treasurers. The first were Publius Veturius and Marcus
Minucius; and a large sum was collected, for they assessed one
hundred and thirty thousand, excusing orphans and widows from
the payment. After these dispositions, he admitted Lucretius,
the father of Lucretia, as his colleague, and gave him the
precedence in the government, by resigning the fasces to him, as due
to his years, which privilege of seniority continued to our time. But within a few days Lucretius died, and in a new election Marcus
Horatius succeeded in that honour, and continued consul for the
remainder of the year.
Now, whilst Tarquin was making preparations in
The building of the temple of the Capitoline Jupiter had been vowed by Tarquin, the son of Demaratus, when warring with the Sabines;
Tarquinius Superbus, his son or grandson, built but could not
dedicate it, because he lost his kingdom before it was quite
finished. And now that it was completed with all its ornaments,
Poplicola was ambitious to dedicate it; but the nobility envied
him that honour, as, indeed, also, in some degree, those his prudence in making laws and conduct in wars entitled
him to. Grudging him, at any rate, the addition of this, they
urged Horatius to sue for the dedication, and, whilst Poplicola
was engaged in some military expedition, voted it to Horatius,
and conducted him to the Capitol, as though, were Poplicola
present, they could not have carried it. Yet, some write, Poplicola was by lot destined against his will to the expedition, the other
to the dedication; and what happened in the performance seems
to intimate some ground for this conjecture; for, upon the Ides
of September, which happens about the full moon of the month
Metagitnion, the people having assembled at the Capitol and
silence being enjoined, Horatius, after the performance of
other ceremonies, holding the doors, according to custom, was proceeding to pronounce the words of dedication, when Marcus, the brother of
Poplicola, who had got a place on purpose beforehand near the
door, observing his opportunity, cried, "O consul, thy son
lies dead in the camp;" which made a great impression upon
all others who heard it, yet in nowise discomposed Horatius,
who returned merely the reply, "Cast the dead out whither you please;
I am not a mourner;" and so completed the dedication. The news was not true, but Marcus thought the he might avert him from his
performance; but it argues him a man of wonderful
self-possession, whether he at once saw through the cheat, or,
believing it as true, showed no discomposure.
The same fortune attended the dedication of the second temple; the
first, as has been said, was built by Tarquin, and dedicated by Horatius; it was burnt down in the civil wars. The second, Sylla built, and,
dying before the dedication, left that honour to Catulus; and
when this was demolished in the Vitellian sedition, Vespasian,
with the same success that attended him in other things, began
a third and lived to see it finished, but did not live to see
it again destroyed, as it presently was; but was as fortunate in
dying before its destruction, as Sylla was the reverse in dying before the dedication of his. For immediately after Vespasian's death it
was consumed by fire. The fourth, which now exists, was both
built and dedicated by Domitian. It is said Tarquin expended
forty thousand pounds of silver in the very foundations; but
the whole wealth of the richest private man in Rome would not
discharge the cost of the gilding of this temple in our days,
it amounting to above twelve thousand talents; the pillars were cut out of Pentelican marble, of a length most happily proportioned to
their thickness; these we saw at Athens; but when they were cut
anew at Rome and polished, they did not gain so much in
embellishment as they lost in symmetry, being rendered too
taper and slender. Should any one who wonders at the costliness
of the Capitol visit any one gallery in Domitian's palace, or
hall, or bath, or the apartments of his concubines, Epicharmus's remark upon the prodigal, that-
"'Tis not beneficence, but truth to say,
A mere disease of giving things away,"
would
be in his mouth in application to Domitian. It is neither
piety, he would say, nor magnificence, but, indeed, a mere
disease of building, and a desire, like Midas, of converting everything
into gold or stone. And thus much for this matter.
Tarquin, after the great battle wherein he lost his son in combat with
Brutus, fled to Clusium, and sought aid from Lars Porsenna, then one of those most powerful princes of Italy, and a man of worth and
generosity; who assured him of assistance, immediately sending
his commands to Rome that they should receive Tarquin as their
king, and, upon the Romans' refusal, proclaimed war, and,
having signified the time and place where he intended his
attack, approached with a great army. Poplicola was, in his absence, chosen consul a second time, and Titus Lucretius his colleague,
and, returning to
But Porsenna laying close siege to the city, and a famine raging amongst
the Romans, also a new army of the Tuscans making incursions into the
country, Poplicola, a third time chosen consul, designed to make, without sallying out, his defence against Porsenna, but, privately
stealing forth against the new army of the Tuscans, put them to
flight and slew five thousand. The story of Mucius is variously
given; we, like others, must follow the commonly received
statement. He was a man endowed with every virtue, but most
eminent in war; and, resolving to kill Porsenna, attired himself in the Tuscan habit, and using the Tuscan language, came to the camp,
and approaching the seat where the king sat amongst his nobles,
but not certainly knowing the king, and fearful to inquire,
drew out his sword, and stabbed one who he thought had most the
appearance of king. Mucius was taken in the act, and whilst he
was under examination, a pan of fire was brought to the king,
who intended to sacrifice; Mucius thrust his right hand into the
flame, and whilst it burnt stood looking at Porsenna with a steadfast and undaunted countenance; Porsenna at last in admiration
dismissed him, and returned his sword, reaching it from his
seat; Mucius received it in his left hand, which occasioned the
name of Scaevola, left-handed, and said, "I have overcome
the terrors of Porsenna, yet am vanquished by his generosity,
and gratitude obliges me to disclose what no punishment could extort;
and assured him then, that three hundred Romans, all of the same resolution,
lurked about his camp, only waiting for an opportunity; he, by
lot appointed to the enterprise, was not sorry that he had miscarried in it, because so brave and good a man deserved rather to be a
friend to the Romans than an enemy. To this Porsenna gave
credit, and thereupon expressed an inclination to a truce, not,
I presume, so much out of fear of the three hundred Romans, as
in admiration of the Roman courage. All other writers call this
man Mucius Scaevola, yet Athendrous, son of Sandon, in a book addressed
to Octavia, Caesar's sister, avers he was also called Postumus.
Poplicola, not so much esteeming Porsenna's enmity dangerous to
Upon these assurances, Porsenna ceased from all acts of hostility, and
the young girls went down to the river to bathe at that part where the
winding of the bank formed a bay and made the waters stiller and quieter; and, seeing no guard, nor any one coming or going over, they were
encouraged to swim over, notwithstanding the depth and violence
of the stream. Some affirm that one of them, by name Cloelia,
passing over on horseback, persuaded the rest to swim after;
but, upon their safe arrival, presenting themselves to
Poplicola, he neither praised nor approved their return, but was concerned lest he should appear less faithful than Porsenna, and this
boldness in the maidens should argue treachery in the Romans;
so that, apprehending them, he sent them back to Porsenna. But
Tarquin's men, having intelligence of this, laid a strong
ambuscade on the other side for those that conducted them; and
while these were skirmishing together, Valeria, the daughter of
Poplicola, rushed through the enemy, and fled, and with the assistance of three of her attendants made good her escape, whilst the rest
were dangerously hedged in by the soldiers; but Aruns,
Porsenna's son, upon tidings of it, hastened to their rescue,
and, putting the enemy to flight, delivered the Romans. When
Porsenna saw the maiden returned, demanding who was
the author and adviser of the act, and understanding Cloelia to
be the person, he looked on her with a cheerful and benignant
countenance, and, commanding one of his horses to be brought,
sumptuously adorned, made her a present of it. This is produced
as evidence by those who affirm that only Cloelia passed the
river on horseback; those who deny it call it only the honour the
Tuscan did to her courage; a figure, however, on horseback, stands in
the Via Sacra, as you go to the Palatium, which some say is the statue of Cloelia, others of Valeria. Porsenna, thus reconciled to the
Romans, gave them a fresh instance of his generosity, and
commanded his soldiers to quit the camp merely with their arms,
leaving their tents, full of corn and other stores, as a gift
to the Romans. Hence, even down to our time, when there is a
public sale of goods, they cry Porsenna's first, by way of
perpetual commemoration of his kindness. There stood also, by the senate-house,
a brazen statue of him, of plain and antique workmanship.
Afterwards, the Sabines, making incursions upon the Romans, Marcus Valerius,
brother to Poplicola, was made consul, and with him Postumius Tubertus.
Marcus, through the management of affairs by the conduct and direct
assistance of Poplicola, obtained two great victories, in the latter of which he slew thirteen thousand Sabines without the loss of one
Roman, and was honoured, as an accession to his triumph, with
an house built in the Palatium at the public charge; and
whereas the doors of other houses opened inward into the house,
they made this to open outward into the street, to intimate
their perpetual public recognition of his merit by thus continually making way for him. The same fashion in their doors the Greeks,
they say, had of old universally, which appears from their
comedies, where those that are going out make a noise at the
door within, to give notice to those that pass by or stand near
the door, that the opening the door into the street might
occasion no surprisal.
The year after, Poplicola was made consul the fourth time, when a
confederacy of the Sabines and Latins threatened a war; a superstitious fear also overran the city on the occasion of general miscarriages
of their women, no single birth coming to its due time.
Poplicola, upon consultation of the Sibylline
books, sacrificing to Pluto, and renewing certain games commanded
by Apollo, restored the city to more cheerful assurance in the gods,
and then prepared against the menaces of men. There were appearances of great preparation, and of a formidable confederacy. Amongst the
Sabines there was one Appius Clausus, a man of a great wealth
and strength of body, but most eminent for his high character
and for his eloquence; yet, as is usually the fate of great
men, he could not escape the envy of others, which was much
occasioned by his dissuading the war, and seeming to promote the
Roman interest, with a view, it is thought, to obtaining absolute power in his own country for himself. Knowing how welcome these reports
would be to the multitude, and how offensive to the army and
the abettors of the war, he was afraid to stand a trial, but,
having a considerable body of friends and allies to assist him,
raised a tumult amongst the Sabines, which delayed the war.
Neither was Poplicola wanting, not only to understand the
grounds of the sedition, but to promote and increase it, and he despatched emissaries with instructions to Clausus, that Poplicola was
assured of his goodness and justice, and thought it indeed
unworthy in any man, however injured, to seek revenge upon his
fellow citizens; yet if he pleased, for his own security, to
leave his enemies and come to Rome, he should be received, both
in public and private, with the honour his merit deserved, and their own glory required. Appius, seriously weighing the matter, came to
the conclusion that it was the best resource which necessity
left him, and advising with his friends, and they inviting
others in the same manner, he came to Rome, bringing five
thousand families, with their wives and children; people of the
quietest and steadiest temper of all the Sabines. Poplicola,
informed of their approach, received them with all the kind offices
of a friend, and admitted them at once to the franchise allotting to
every one two acres of land by the river Anio, but to Clausus twenty-five acres, and gave him a place in the senate; a commencement of
political power which he used so wisely, that he rose to the highest
reputation, was very influential, and left the Claudian house
behind him, inferior to none in Rome.
The departure of these men rendered things quiet amongst the Sabines; yet the chief of the community would not suffer them to settle
into peace, but resented that Clausus now, by turning deserter,
should disappoint that revenge upon the Romans, which, while at
home, he had unsuccessfully opposed. Coming with a great army,
they sat down before Fidenae, and placed an ambuscade of two
thousand men near Rome, in wooded and hollow spots, with a design that
some few horsemen, as soon as it was day, should go out and ravage the
country, commanding them upon their approach to the town so to retreat as to draw the enemy into the ambush. Poplicola, however, soon
advertised of these designs by deserters, disposed his forces
to their respective charges. Postumius Balbus, his son-in-law,
going out with three thousand men in the evening, was ordered
to take the hills, under which the ambush lay, there to observe
their motions; his colleague, Lucretius, attended with a body
of the lightest and boldest men, was appointed to meet the Sabine
horse; whilst he, with the rest of the army, encompassed the enemy. And a thick mist rising accidentally, Postumius, early in the morning,
with shouts from the hills, assailed the ambuscade, Lucretius
charged the light-horse, and Poplicola besieged the camp; so
that on all sides defeat and ruin came upon the Sabines, and
without any resistance the Romans killed them in their flight,
their very hopes leading them to their death, for each
division, presuming that the other was safe, gave up all thought of fighting or keeping their ground; and these quitting the camp to
retire to the ambuscade, and the ambuscade flying to the camp,
fugitives thus met fugitives, and found those from whom they
expected succour as much in need of succour from themselves.
The nearness, however, of the city Fidenae was the preservation
of the Sabines, especially those that fled from the camp; those
that could not gain the city either perished in the field, or
were taken prisoners. This victory, the Romans, though usually ascribing
such success to some god, attributed to the conduct of one captain; and it was observed to be heard amongst the soldiers, that Poplicola
had delivered their enemies lame and blind, and only not in
chains, to be despatched by their swords. From the spoil and
prisoners great wealth accrued to the people.
Poplicola, having completed his triumph, and bequeathed the city to
the care of the succeeding consuls, died; thus closing a life which, so far as human life may be, had been full of all that is good and
honourable. The people, as though they had not duly rewarded
his deserts when alive, but still were in his debt, decreed him
a public interment, every one contributing his quadrans towards
the charge; the women, besides, by private consent, mourned a
whole year, a signal mark of honour to his memory. He was buried, by
the people's desire, within the city, in the part called Velia, where his posterity had likewise privilege of burial; now, however, none
of the family are interred there, but the body is carried
thither and set down, and some one places a burning torch under
it and immediately takes it away, as an attestation of the
deceased's privilege, and his receding from his honour; after
which the body is removed.
THE END